Isü Óji - Omenala ndi Igbo

Kola nut - Óji

Óji, is a native seed grown in the sultry forest. It is a seed which is planted and eaten in different regions in Nigeria. Óji is a prevalent seed in Nigeria and many other African-Caribbean countries, it is however of great significance in the Igboland.
It is of great significance in the Igboland because the breaking, blessing and sharing of Óji is a tradition which has transcended from the progenitors. Our ancestors identified Oji as a very important seed which serve many purposes and which is why the seed is highly regarded and revered in the Igboland.
Óji plays a very important role in bringing a community together. The eating and sharing of kolanut is believed to bring harmony among those who partake in it. Those who partake in the blessing and sharing of kolanut are also believed to experience peace, unity, prosperity, reproduction and progress and many other blessings in their lives. Undoubtedly, one may begin to understand why so much value is attached to oji in the Igboland. Though it is a piece of nut as some may say, however, the attributes and benefits associated with the kolanut has placed it highly amongst those who partake in the sharing and blessing of the kolanut.
It would be interesting to note that kolanut is the first thing which is presented to guest in every Igbo gathering. Óji is served at many Igbo ceremonies such as marriages, new yam festivals, it is also used in settling disputes between siblings or neighbours as well as served at burials, however, the rhetoric rites are not performed during burials.

Different Parts of Igbo Kolanut (Óji Igbo)

The different lobes of kolanut range between two and seven and each lobe or segment symbolise something in the Igboland. It must however be noted that Igbo kolanut does not have two lobes; a kolanut with two segments is not served in the Igboland. Below are different kolanut lobes and what they symbolise.

Óji Ato
	A kolanut with three lobes symbolises good relation.

Óji Ano
	A kolanut with four lobes is a symbol of progress and happiness, thus characterising the impending blessing which will be bestowed on those who partake in the blessing as well as eating of the nut.

Óji Ise

A five segments kolanut is a symbol of reproduction, thus symbolising the vast blessing which will follow those who eat it. It is said that the five segment nut is highly regarded amongst those who desire success in all spheres of their lives. It would be interesting to note that in the olden days when high importance was attached to large family, this type of kola nut was offered to men who had ample children. This was a mark of respect to them for having large family. Today, reproduction is not only seen in how many children one has, but, however in how successful one has attained in their respective field. Thus, the symbol of the five segment nut still holds strong to those who eat it as well as those who are present during the blessing of kolanut.

Óji Asa
	A six or seven segment kolanut is a symbol of double progress, that is outstanding blessing. It is believed that anyone who partakes in eating of the kolanut will experience incessant progress in every area of his or her life.

WOMEN'S ROLE IN THE BREAKING OF KOLANUT

Tradition does not permit women to climb, pluck or break kola nut. A wife may present kola nut to her husband to offer to their guest, but under no circumstance must she break or bless the kola nut. The primary reason for this is that kola nut epitomises headship, hence, requiring the need for the husband to bless and break the nut. In the absence of the head of the household, any available man will be called upon to break the kolanut.

Presentation of kola nut

It is the onus of an elderly man from the host family to present kola nut to his guest. It is however, the duty of the traditional ruler of Amaigbo (His royal Highness Eze Nwosu) to present and bless kola nut if he is present at any ceremony in Amaigbo. This also epitomises his headship as Amaigbo traditional ruler.
Usually, when kola nut is presented to guests, an elderly man from the guest family would touch the kola nut and say to the host "Òji eze nò eze na aka", this means that the guests have seen the kolanut which has been presented to them and that the host should proceed to break and bless the nut. The elderly man could proceed to break the kola nut himself or designate the task to a younger man from his family. Where someone other than the elder himself broke the kola nut, it is later passed on to the elderly man for prayers and or blessings.

Blessing of kola nut

It is the Igbo believe that Oji does not speak or hear English, hence the dictum "Oji anaghi anu bekee". The elder or Eze then blesses the kola in Igbo lingua franca. He offers a piece of the kola nut to ancestral spirits and deities of the land and takes a piece himself; he dips the nut in okwa ose (or he can eat it with ose oji) before the rest is served to guest. These act are a mark of respect to the ancestral spirit, a symbol of the king’s headship as the leader of the community and a gesture to the guests that the host is happy to have them in her midst.
The myth and custom of kolanut is one of the many sacred tradition transcended from the ancestors and one that will not be wiped out. The practice and adherence to the custom continues to bring unity to those who hold strong to it, it continues to foster peace in families as well as bring revenge to those who offer it to the ancestral spirits and gods for protection and justice.

This is a picture of a mud house in an Igbo village. Notice the cement blocks in the front of the house implying that this mud house may be soon replaced by a new/modern house.

Igbo People http://www.lioness.cm.utexas.edu:80/I-files/Igbo.dir including links to essays contributed by chuksun@ssimicro.com: - Igbuagha Okuko (Naming/Thanksgiving Ceremony) http://www.lioness.cm.utexas.edu/I-files/Igbo.dir/Culture/chuk1.htm - Ihanyekwa nwanyi (Retaining a daughter for procreation in the family) http://www.lioness.cm.utexas.edu/I-files/Igbo.dir/Culture/chuk2.htm - Women Climbing the Palm Tree http://www.lioness.cm.utexas.edu/I-files/Igbo.dir/Culture/chuk3.htm

Igbo People: Clothing & Cosmetic Makeup

tRADITIONAL GOD

Igbo Residence

The Igbo residential system follows a patrilocal pattern: sons remain with their father after marriage, usually until his death. However, other aspects of social system are also expressed in the domestic organization and lead to a more complex structure and dynamic than those in a simple patrilocal system. The system of polygyny and the resulting bond between siblings descended from the same mother are particularly important.
In the traditional Igbo arrangement, men attemptto develop large households in order to gain prestige and influence within the community. A household head as such receives the important designation of ezi, and the head of a “big compound” is considered a major leader in village affairs. As in the Turkish system of patrilocality, the lifelong residential attachment of sons formed an important mechanism for increasing household size. However the Igbo utilize the additional principle of polygyny to substantially extend the capacity of their domestic unit. Unlike the Turkish system, a man’s second and subsequent wives remain resident in his compound to provide an expanded base for him to acquire dependents. Each is given a separate area within the larger structure in which they receive a hut for personal use and a surrounding area where their grown sons and daughters-in-law will eventually set up their own huts.The husband may have a separate hut, which is primarily used as a reception area, but he normally sleeps in one of his wives rooms according to a scheduled rotation.

Igbo Household Formation: Stage I

A is married to two wives (B and C) each of whom is assigned a separate hut within the compound where she lives with her children

Each wife’s complex forms a separate social and economic unit, as well as a spatial one. It is designated as an umunne as apposed to the umunna, which covers the larger compound. As sons are married they bring their wives into their  mother's section of the compound and assign huts to them. If they marry more than one wife, each gets a hut of herown for herself and her children.

Stage II

A's sons marry and bring in their wives, each of whom is assigned a new hut.
His daughters move out as they marry.

Stage III

The same processes are repeated in the next generation

All the umunna members  cooperate in some joint tasks, usually the cultivation of “men’s crops”, including yams and oil palms. The “women’s crops” are the responsibility of each wife on her own. The head of the household  shares the proceeds from joint production among his wives, but each woman is allowed autonomous control of her own produce and any income it yields. She will usually use her resources to provide for her own children within the umunne, for whom she holds the primary care and feeding responsibilities. The separate status of the umunne was also important for the unity of full siblings, which forms the basis for the dynamic of household segmentation.
At the death of a compound head, his sons can reorganize the domestic group in a number of ways. The assets can be divided among all the brothers, each of whom will establish a new unit. However, at least some of them will often remain together. On occasions half-brothers are able to cooperate and leave the unit completely intact under the leadership of the eldest, the okpara, the father’s main heir. More often, a group of full brothers, who constitut a single umunne,  separate from the other full sibling groups within the compound. The senior branch, headed by the okpara would usually occupy the existing homestead and the others would general be responsible for founding new ones.

Household Segmentation

In this scenario, the new domestic unit begins from a different base than the one first introduced. A group of brothers (only 2 in the diagram) and their wives, rather than a single person, now form the elder generation. The first-born brother assumes the title of ezi and the corresponding ritual, political, and economic rights and responsibilities. He holds authority over his junior brothers and their children as well. Subsequent generations develop by accretions through marriage and patrilocal residence, as the same way as a household started by a single individual.

Growth in a Segmented Household

Note that E's sister's son has joined his household, an exception to the patrilocal rule that can occur in Igbo society.

The structure of polygyny and sibling unity in traditional Igbo society create households that are quite different in size, organization, and dynamics than the Turkish patrilocal pattern. They are larger with a more complex internal structure. For particularly prominent men, their scale can be increased even further through the addition of sister’s sons, with whom they maintain a special relationship, slaves, and other economic dependents such as apprentices and the number of residents could exceed a hundred.
Household dynamics also has an implication for those of the wider descent system. Typical domestic division between groups of full brothers established the basis for segmentation within the lineage system. As a separate compound, each sibling group would become a new minor lineage. (Paradoxically, this patrilineal segment is actually establish by descent from a female ancestor.) All of the new compounds that formed from the defunct one would become constituted as a new major lineage.
The contrast between Igbo and Turkish patrilocal patterns are representative of general differences between the African and Eurasian social orders. It can in part be explained according to differences in the basic conditions of tribal and peasant societies. In the former case, the open availability of land and the land intensive production regime put a premium on the direct domestic control of labour. Accordingly, large households tend to form. The only limit to their size is the complexity of managing them, which is partly met by the Igbo system of delegating responsibility to domestic sub-units. In the later case, land is in short supply and households have fixed allotments that cannot be expanded. Accordingly, domestic units cannot growth beyond a fairly low threshold.

iNITIATION

This is the best site:

http://mccoy.lib.siu.edu/jmccall/jones/

Anancy-o [Cromanti]
Anancy-o-é
Anancy-o, Sari Baba
Anancy-o, Sari Baba
Anancy-o, Sari Baba

Ecouter : Extrait musical ANANCY-O Carriacou Callaloo, enreg. Alan Lomax (mp3, 323 Ko)

En recherchant l’étymologie de sari baba j’ai trouvé des traductions fascinantes de sai ba ( pl. sai baba), qui pourrait être une expression Hausa signifiant “personnes constamment malchanceuses.” Une seconde proposition est faite par le linguiste Hausa Ousseina Alidou qui affirme que le mot sari vient de tsari qui signifie “protection” en Hausa. Elle suggère que l’expression devrait être lue ainsi : tsari baba (en ajoutant un “t”) qui signifie: la protection du père ou la “protection ultime”, ce qui donnerait à Anancy un caractère clairement divin.
Oko est un dieu Yoruba, un membre du panthéon Orisha nigérian, gardien des récoltes et de la fertilité. Or les Yorubas ne sont pas arrivés à Carriacou. Comment son nom s’est-il ainsi retrouvé dans les chants du Big Drum? La réponse corrobore les données historiques récoltées en étudiant ces chants. Pratiquement oublié dans le rituel Orisa nigérian de Trinidad, le souvenir d’Oko s’éloignait. Les esclaves de Trinidad trouvaient absurde d’implorer le dieu de l’agriculture et de la fécondité pour qu’il travaille en faveur des colonialistes et leur permette d’accroître leurs possessions et leurs richesses (Simpson 1962:1217). Néanmoins, ceux qui ont quitté les paysages arides de Carriacou pour aller travailler dans les champs de canne de Trinidad peu après la fin de l’esclavage en 1838 se sont approprié Oko, la divinité Yoruba (Hill 1973:23). Le désir de ce peuple de vivre dans un environnement plus agréable s’exprime dans de nombreuses lettres, rapports et articles de journaux du début du 20ème siècle qui font allusion au manque de pluie et au fait de dépendre de la Grenade pour l’approvisionnement en eau et en nourriture. Les Carriacouais libres se sont appropriés Oko pour leur rituel en développement.
OKO [Cromanti]
Oko, Oko, Oko-yé
Oko, pardoné mwen
Oko, pardoné mwen
Oko pardoné mwen
Oko, mama, pardoné mwen

Ecouter : Extrait musical OKO Carriacou Callaloo, enreg. Alan Lomax (mp3, 302 Ko)

Un chant Igbo suit. “Ovid-o Bagadé”, une métaphore sociale, parle de la terreur d’un fermier paranoïaque, Ovide, qui plante et récolte un mal inattendu. “Bagarde, n’aies pas peur”, chante le chœur.

Ovid-o Bagadé [Igbo] Mwen planté shu mwen Li turné ba legé Ovid-o bagardé, bagardé éh-hé Mwen planté shu mwen Li turné maljo-jo (melangen, balissé) Ovid-o bagardé, bagardé éh-hé

[traduction] Je plante du chou caraïbe Et je ne récolte rien Ovide, n’aies pas peur, n’aies pas peur. Je plante du chou caraïbe Et je récolte la peur (aubergine, buisson) Ovide, n’aies pas peur, n’aies pas peur.

La chanson suivante, “Mary et Martha”, un «Cheerup» (chanson joyeuse, qui remonte le moral) frivole est, comme la plupart des «Cheerups» joué pour que les danseurs prennent du plaisir à danser et le public à les regarder remuer les hanches. Cette chanson, ou une chanson similaire, est également chantée pendant les jeux des plus jeunes (pass play). La signification de cette chanson est basée sur un fait d’actualité appartenant au passé, difficile à retrouver après tant d’années.

Mary and Martha Leader: Mary and Martha is bound to wear the crown—oy Chorus: Mary and Martha is them that wear the crown-o Leader: If you want to see them go behind the hill-o

[traduction] Leader: Mary et Martha doivent porter la couronne-oy Chœur: Mary et Martha ce sont elles qui portent la couronne-o Leader: Si vous voulez les voir passer derrière la colline-o

Ecouter : Extrait musical MARY AND MARTHA Carriacou Callaloo, enreg. Alan Lomax (mp3, 398 Ko)

LA GALERIE DES MASQUES IGBO, IBIBIO, EKET...

Masques liés à l'agriculture , à l'eau en règle générale , au culte des esprits, masques qui vantent la féminité ou qui se moquent de la coquetterie féminine, qui incitent au mariage et masques funéraires..... La galerie vous parle de tout cela : diversité des formes, diversité culturelle (certains masques n'ont pas le genre esthétique de leur usage : l'habit ne fait pas le moine).

masque elu vendu	masque Igbo vendu	masque idoma vendu	masque igbo vendu
masque Igbo vendu	masque igbo	masque igbo vendu	masque elu
masque igbo vendu	masque Igbo vendu	masque eket vendu	masque elu vendu
masque élu vendu	masque igbo vendu	masque igbo vendu	Masque Anang vendu
masque igbo vendu	Masque Igbo vendu	masque Elu du nigeria vendu	masque Elu du nigeria vendu

Masque Agbogho "jeune fille" vendu	masque igbo vendu	Masque Agbogho "jeune fille" vendu	masque agbogho "jeune fille" vendu	Masque Igbo vendu	Masque Idoma vendu
masque ogoni vendu		masque Eket vendu	masque Igbo vendu		Masque Agbogho "mère"